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C. Wright MillsA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
As the author, Mills constructs a sociological argument about the distribution of power in the US in the 1950s. Based on extensive research that includes observations, interviews, the use of primary sources to research wealthy families and social registers, institutional analysis, and the citation of multiple secondary sources, Mills posits the existence of a power elite that makes the most consequential decisions in American society. This elite class operates nationally through key institutions: the military, large corporations, and the executive branch of the national government. It has displaced local power centers. Mills explores the nature of those in the top positions of these institutions, highlighting the similarities in their socialization and the crossover of personnel from one sector to the other.
Mills argues that this elite class of individuals has a consciousness of its belonging and recognizes one another. In making this argument, Mills challenges conventional wisdom in several ways. He denies the role of elections in shaping policy, arguing that Congress operates at a middle level of power and that political parties are local only. Despite democratic rhetoric, an elite tier makes the important decisions in the US. He exposes its members as undeserving of these top positions based on any objective criteria, such as merit or virtue. They are selected simply because they mirror the attitudes and images of those who are already in power. In his speculation about the direction in which American society is headed, Mills makes assumptions that others have contested, such as his presumption of the incompetence of corporate leaders.
After earning his Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Wisconsin in 1941, Mills began an academic career at the University of Maryland and later joined the faculty at Columbia University. He was a critic of mainstream approaches to social science and argued that social scientists should not act as disinterested or objective observers. Instead, he believed they had a social responsibility to their communities. He practiced a form of public sociology, contributing essays to popular journals in addition to this scholarly work. He applied Max Weber’s theories to American society, explaining the impacts of class, status, and power.
Mills sought to expose the reality of power structures in the US as a means of fulfilling his responsibilities to society. The Power Elite became a classic in social science and required reading for sociology majors. Mills's other books include White Collar and The Sociological Imagination. In 1969, the C. Wright Mills Award for books was established; it remains one of the most prestigious awards in sociology.
Mills describes a group of individuals who hold top positions in the ruling institutions—the military, the economy, and the executive branch. In control of the major hierarchies and organizations in American society, this elite group decides issues of consequence and impact to the whole society. There are also far-reaching consequences when its members decline to act.
Increasingly, elites come from the upper and upper-middle classes. They are socialized similarly and adopt a class perspective. They interact with one another both formally and informally. It is common for members of this power elite to have held top positions in more than one sector, such as serving as a general in the military and as a bank executive. The interests of the military, corporations, and the executive branch coincide on most occasions. For example, the military seeks weapons to enhance its power, and those weapons contracts are awarded to corporations. Mills maintains that the top positions in the power elite are awarded subjectively. Those who rise to these top spots—in the 1950s, typically men—are similar to those who are already there, and are chosen for their conformity rather than for their merit. For this reason, Mills writes that members of the elite lack legitimacy and disguise their power through manipulation and rhetoric that presents their actions as liberal or democratic.
In big cities, such as New York and Boston, there is “a solid core of older, wealthy families surrounded by looser circles of newer wealthy families” (47). The number 400 dates to an approximation of the number of those families in New York by the wealthy socialite Mrs. Astor Ward McAllister. While the number of families included in these influential spheres is not necessarily 400, there is an upper class in large and small cities that self-perpetuates via interaction and opportunities.
The members of this upper class send their children to private schools, where they are socialized into the mores of the class. From there, the men attend Ivy League colleges and join the proper clubs. Later, they join gentlemen’s clubs in their respective cities. Due to their similar socialization, these men recognize and fit in with one another regardless of their city of origin. Typically, they marry woman of the same class. While newer members have entered these social circles, the persistence of an upper class remains. Increasingly, leaders in the military, business, and politics emerge from this class.
Comprised of the top leaders of the military branches, this is the highest circle of power in the military. The entity was established in 1942 during World War II to coordinate the efforts of the various branches of service under an overall command. After the war, the Joint Chiefs continued to perform this role. Mills explains that the top leaders of the military were historically not included in the top circles of power, but they ascended into those circles by the mid-20th century.
Both the populace and the elite have accepted the military's version of reality, which depicts a state of permanent emergency due to the threat of nuclear attack. As a result, the policies advocated by military elites are treated as necessities, not as matters of debate or choice. Top military elites have substantial input into foreign policy decisions and have integrated themselves with economic and political elites. These individuals are less likely to herald from the upper class, but the intense group socialization provided by military education and experience creates similar characters at the top. Many of them attended either West Point or Annapolis; they all experienced military discipline and have held multiple assignments. Their socialization produces “reliably similar” (195) reactions and outlooks, as well as similar physical gestures and posture.
Celebrities or entertainers have prestige and fame but not power. Their antics distract the populace from politics and economics. Some members of the power elite, such as the President of the United States and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, win celebrity. However, most of them, such as corporate leaders, remain in the shadows. They are prone to the temptation to rub elbows with celebrities.
Mills notes that the elites have all but abandoned community projects, for example, because they prefer to be seen with those who are nationally known, often celebrities. Mills maintains that neither the power elite nor celebrities are deserving of prestige. The former are often created by corporate powers, and the latter did not earn their high positions through merit or virtue.
Mills argues that Congress was once the heart of American democracy, invested with powers to legislate, tax, and declare war, but it was reduced to a middling level of power in the 1950s. It no longer makes the crucial decisions that impact people’s lives and livelihoods. He writes that elections are not decided on the basis of national agendas but by local issues, so that members of Congress placate local interests instead of addressing national ones.
The institution has delegated much of its lawmaking power to the executive bureaucracy. It does not question the military’s definition of reality, and funds military requests as a matter of necessity. Mills argues that the real power lies not with elected officials in the Senate and the House of Representatives but with the power elite. Some members of Congress align with cliques comprised of executive agencies and corporate interest groups to increase their power. However, Congress is not driving the key decisions.