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48 pages 1 hour read

Angela Garcia

The Pastoral Clinic: Addiction and Dispossession along the Rio Grande

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2010

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Chapter 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “Blood Relative”

While visiting rehabilitation support groups for men and women, Garcia asks questions about the nature of family in drug addiction and recovery. She is particularly interested in how drug addiction impacts female relationships and experiences. Because addiction is still associated primarily with men, drug treatment is typically based on men’s needs and experiences. The term “tecato,” a slang term for someone who uses heroin or other hard drugs, is a masculine noun; there is no feminine noun to describe a woman who uses the drug. Garcia uses two stories of mothers and daughters who use heroin together to explore the role of kinship in addiction and treatment. The relationship between drug use and family is intrinsic: “Here the biological family is a primary domain of heroin use, and the circulation of the drug therein is described as maintaining kinship ties, if not affirming them” (112).

Bernadette and her mother Eugenia both use heroin. Bernadette tells Garcia that she was born with heroin scars, meaning that heroin has been a part of her life from a young age. She tells Garcia that she began using the drug with her mother at the age of 16. However, after reading through the pair’s medical records, Garcia believes that they first used heroin together when Bernadette was only 12. Now an adult, Bernadette is on house arrest. Eugenia does not visit Bernadette on the advice of their probation officers. Garcia struggles with Eugenia’s absence from Bernadette’s life, seeing the pain it causes her to be estranged from her mother. The researcher cannot help but note how Eugenia’s choices impacted Bernadette, including leaving Bernadette alone to be arrested on drug charges.

Despite Eugenia’s choices, Bernadette loves her mother and worries about her. Eugenia lives at a church and cycles in and out of recovery. When Garcia visits her, she finds Bernadette’s concerns validated. Eugenia looks weary and has fresh track marks on her skin. Bernadette tells Garcia that she first began buying drugs to help her mother, who was experiencing the effects of withdrawal. Eugenia disappeared for days and sold everything in their home to support her addiction. When Bernadette went to prison, Eugenia refused to visit her.

Garcia examines the privatization of prisons, where there is an increased focus on Evangelical conversion driven by conservative political motivations. Of the 10 correctional facilities in New Mexico, half are privately owned. A correctional officer tells Garcia that more facilities are needed as more women enter the system each year. She tells Garcia that women who enter a program for religious conversion gain access to educational and vocational training, incentivizing them to abandon Catholicism for Evangelical Christianity. Garcia wonders if this type of program relies more heavily on coercion than incentivization.

The second pair that Garcia describes is Lisa and her daughter, Michelle. Michelle died from an overdose, and Lisa struggles to handle her daughter’s death. The details of Lisa’s past are convoluted; her story changes frequently, and Garcia finds it difficult to find the truth. Lisa tried to hide her heroin use from her daughter for many years. When Michelle was 19, she was pulled over for a traffic violation and the police arrested her for heroin possession. While Lisa was sad and ashamed that her daughter had followed in her footsteps, she also felt relieved: “Yes, she felt shame and guilt for her role in her daughter’s drug use, but also felt a sense of release and understanding” (145). Lisa found solidarity with her daughter as they experienced addiction together.

Chapter 3 Analysis

Garcia challenges the accepted narrative of an individual with drug addiction as someone who exists in isolation. Contemporary stereotypes about these individuals center on the lone heroin user who is estranged from family and friends. Throughout her research, Garcia uncovers the interconnected and intimate ways in which heroin becomes a binding agent for the community. Both drug use and recovery are bound within familial ties, and it is common for intergenerational drug use to take place. Garcia proposes that heroin addiction is part of the ties of kinship and finds cultural and communal roots.

Additionally, she unravels the conventional idea that only men experience addiction. The two mother-daughter pairs she describes in this chapter reveal how drug addiction is interwoven with relationship and contextual factors: “By presenting intergenerational addiction as part of the biological, social, and affective mix that is kinship, I show how heroin works through, and provides endurance for, ties of blood and property, of inheritance” (114). Bernadette and Eugenia’s story is a powerful example of how addiction ties people together. Despite Bernadette’s difficult upbringing, she feels close to her mother and worries about her. She asks about her often and sends help when she can. The story of Lisa and Michelle also contributes to how familial ties impact heroin use. Garcia learns from staff at the clinic that family members often return to heroin use to cope with a loved one’s death. However, Garcia asserts that heroin is also used to immortalize and honor the dead. Law enforcement officers inform Garcia that many arrests take place at cemeteries, where family members use drugs at their loved one’s gravesites. The researcher proposes that while drug use has devastating effects, it also binds people together in their melancholy, solidifying a never-ending cycle. For example, Lisa describes the sense of relief she felt when she and Bernadette began using the drug together. Rather than feeling alone in her addiction, Lisa now had a partner in grief.

Like Alma in the previous chapter, Bernadette and Eugenia experience the effects of land loss. Eugenia’s father, Eugenio, was the first in his family to not inherit the land that belonged to his ancestors. While he did his best to keep his family’s farm alive, the loss of ancestral lands forced Eugenio to seek work elsewhere. This serves as an example that while loss is shared from person to person, it is also a part of an inheritance, passed down. The women in this chapter embody this ancestry, with each mother passing her grief and addiction to her daughter.

While their identities as “addicts” are forged by their familial relationships, the women in the chapter are also defined by the external structures that command them. The privatization of prisons adds to Garcia’s argument within the theme of The Institutional Shaping of Identity. The corrections officer who provides Garcia with a tour of her prison is excited about the incentive programs offered there. Garcia notes that these incentives are tied to religious conversion, another example of how institutional structures can strip people of their histories and cultures. The women in prison are often placed in solitary confinement, and their participation in the religious aspects of the prison provides them with community. Additionally, access to education is not made available to those who do not convert. This highlights the way coercion in prison systems erases people’s communities and culture, which can exacerbate feelings of alienation and melancholy. Central to Garcia’s Critique of Conventional Approaches to Addiction Treatment is the way that the decentralization of addiction care and a failure to account for the contexts that inform drug use leads to further disenfranchisement and recidivism. The New Mexico Women’s Correctional Facility is the largest employer in the region, showing an intrinsic relationship between New Mexico’s economy and drug use. The institution's private nature adds to prisoners' vulnerability by forcing them to either convert or suffer the consequences.

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