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T.R. ReidA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Dr. Bertrand Tamalet is an orthopedist who knows what kind of surgery Reid received 30 years earlier. That surgery, which used a screw to hold a joint in place, was invented by the French orthopedic surgeon Dr. Maurice Latarjet. However, in the US, the surgery is identified as the Bristow procedure, after the surgeon and orthopedist who popularized it there. It was also a French orthopedist, Dr. Jules Émile Péan, “who implanted the world’s first man-made joint” in March 1892 (47). To save the shoulder of a patient with “a severe infection due to tuberculosis” who also refused amputation, Péan came up with the idea of installing an artificial joint instead. The surgery was a success. Later, the artificial shoulder was donated to the Smithsonian and is now on display at the National Museum of Health and Medicine in Washington, D.C.
It was Dr. Tamalet who related this story to Reid. He then charged Reid $33.80 for the consultation—a predetermined fee that insurance would reimburse at around 70%. Not everyone pays the predetermined fee in full. The poor and those on welfare are billed about a quarter of the regular cost of treatment. The poorest patients and those suffering from chronic illnesses pay nothing. In these cases, the doctor gets paid through the French social security system. Also, pregnant women do not pay medical fees during the last five months of pregnancy and the first four months after childbirth. No patient is ever required to pay more than $100 within a single day, no matter the cost of the prescribed treatment.
Dr. Tamalet’s office is modest, like many in France. Most noticeably, there are no file cabinets and shelves filled with patients’ records. There is no need due to the carte vitale, which contains all of a patient’s health records and billing information. Every French doctor’s office and hospital accepts this card and usually has a sign reminding patients of this national standard.
The French system both encourages good health standards and treatment for those who get sick. It also does the best out of all countries in treating curable diseases. Finally, the French health insurance system covers every French resident and “guarantees everyone a roughly equal level of treatment” (49). There are also more hospital beds and more doctors per capita compared to the US. While Americans visit the doctor about five times per year, the French go about eight times per year. They also take more medication and get more shots.
The French health care system falls within the Bismarck model—that is, private doctors treat patients who buy insurance, both from a government plan and private insurers, to cover the cost of treatments. As in the U.S, the French get their health insurance through the employer, with both the employer and employee splitting the cost of premiums. The employee’s cost deduction is withheld from a paycheck. There are specific charges for each treatment and procedure and any copay is due at the time of the visit. There are both public and private hospitals, as in the US. However, in France, most private hospitals have a care specialty. Most French workers cannot choose their health insurance plans. They get the plan that is associated with their line of work or where they live, and they must keep that plan for the rest of their lives. Unlike some countries with a national health care system, no one waits to see a general practitioner or specialist in France—unless they need to see a pediatrician. There are few of the latter in France. However, postnatal nurses visit both mother and child for free in the first few weeks after birth.
The insurance plans are nonprofit “sickness insurance funds” that exist solely to pay for care, not to provide dividends to investors (50). No French insurer can turn down a patient for coverage, and insurance doesn’t end simply because one loses or quits a job. When someone is unemployed, the government pays the former employer’s half of the premium. Finally, insurers must always pay for a claim after a doctor submits it, and it is illegal to delay reimbursement.
Administrative costs are also low in France—less than 5%. In contrast, in the US, health insurance companies spend about 20% of their income from premiums on administrative expenses. Additionally, ambulances are free, and no one needs a referral from a general physician before seeing a specialist. This practice of referrals, known as the “gatekeeper” system, is also common in the US. The French attempted to implement it in 1997 to save money, but a protest led by doctors and patients ensued.
France spends around $3,165 per capita yearly on health insurance that covers every citizen, while the US spends over $7,000 on health care that leaves tens of millions of American citizens without insurance coverage. France’s spending is less than 10% of its gross domestic product (GDP), while, in the US, the spending is at 17%. If the US spent what the French do on health care, the country would save $600 billion each year. That additional revenue would provide the necessary funds to cover every American. On the other hand, the French may not have the most cost-efficient health care. Great Britain, Sweden, Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands all spend less than France on health care. This awareness, has led the French to look for ways to cut costs.
The French health insurance system began in 1928 and initially only covered working class people in particular fields of industry. It wasn’t until 2000 that every single French citizen received coverage. Now, everyone must belong to the national health insurance fund and both employed and retired people belong. Premiums are either withheld from paychecks or pensions checks. The three primary insurance funds are for salaried workers, farm-workers, and the last for both professions and independent contractors. The premiums are very cheap. As of 2007, if someone made $20,000 per year, he or she would have paid $12.25 per month. The employer, on the other hand, paid $208.
It is also possible to purchase supplemental health insurance in France from either a nonprofit cooperative or a for-profit insurance company, which is cheaper. These forms of insurance are used to pay for things such as cosmetic surgery. The French government negotiates prices with doctors, hospitals, and drug companies. Doctors belong to a labor union that negotiates on their behalf, and the negotiations are transparent.
As simple and straightforward as this system may see, the French continually reform their health care system. There have been reforms in 1996, 1997, 2000, and 2004. Sometimes the changes are due to public concern over the quality of care, but most of the concerns are about money. Many French people believe that the health care system is too expensive to maintain long-term. The sickness funds have operating deficits each year. In 2004, there was yet another attempt to install the gatekeeper system to save on costs. After the 2004 law, if a patient went to a specialist without a general physician’s referral, they would have paid a 60% copay instead of 70%—about $4.50 extra.
Some doctors also complain that the French health care system is both too pricy and too cheap when paying doctors. Prices and treatment are set by the Health Ministry. A doctor who works around 60 hours per week makes about $52,000 per year. However, there are perks. Doctors take the standard five weeks of vacation per year, common to French citizens, and can bill their cars to their medical office. French specialists, such as Dr. Tamalet, make around $65,000 per year working in a public hospital. They can make additional income by maintaining a private practice. In total, Dr. Tamalet brings in $130,000 per year—far less than American orthopedists. Then again, French physicians pay relatively little for malpractice insurance. A general physician will pay around $130 yearly, while specialists like Dr. Tamalet pay $650. More importantly, no French doctor ever thinks that he or she will be sued.
The lack of pressure imposed by income and malpractice suits allows French doctors to give the best medical advice they can. This also includes referring patients to specialists for additional care. It was the physician Dr. François Bonnaud who referred Reid to Dr. Tamalet. Tamalet asked Reid about his shoulder problem, then manipulated the shoulder and arm to assess the damage. He concluded that the best thing for Reid to do would be to start an intense physical therapy regime. The therapy would not eliminate the pain, but it would reduce it. Reid told Dr. Tamalet that American doctors had prescribed a total shoulder arthroplasty. Tamalet said that Reid could do that, though he wouldn’t benefit so much from it, due to the nature of his injury. Furthermore, Reid wasn’t suffering from constant pain. Patients who opted for arthroplasty constantly suffered from pain. Tamalet told Reid that, if he opted for arthroplasty, the sickness funds would cover the costs of both surgery and his hospital stay, which would come to about $10,000. Reid, however, would have to wait about a month to get surgery.
The French insurance system is built around the idea of solidarity—that is, that all citizens must help each other during difficult moments. This idea that there should be a national system providing everyone with health care is a European invention, created during the 19th century in Germany.
While fusing together numerous fiefdoms and principalities to create the nation of Germany, statesman Otto von Bismarck also created the world’s first national health insurance system—the Sickness Insurance Law. This was a mandatory health insurance plan, which required both employers and employees to pay premiums, like the plans which currently exist in France, Japan, and Germany, the nation where the plan originated.
Today, 82 million Germans and guest workers—legal and illegal—have access to medical care in this system. This includes the ability to see a range of general physicians and specialists. One is also entitled to go to the spa, if a doctor prescribes it.
In their system, Germans have a shorter wait time than Americans do. They can also choose any doctor or hospital they wish, and their insurance plans must cover the cost. Germany has over 200 different private insurance plans, which compete with one another, despite the cost of care being fixed. The insurance plans—or, sickness funds—operate privately. Doctors are also private workers. Hospitals are either public or charitable institutions, for the most part, but there are increasing numbers of private hospitals.
Germany’s health insurance system isn’t cheap, however. The nation spends 11% of its GDP on health care—still far less than the 17% expenditure in the US. To pay for everyone to have care, the German government exercises tight control over payments to doctors and hospitals and always looks for new ways to cut expenditures. Germany, like France, also has much lower administrative costs than the US.
When Reid went to Germany looking for a solution to his shoulder problem, he visited Dr. Christina von Köckritz, who operates a practice south of Berlin. She works in a modestly furnished but stylish office. She researched Reid’s condition in an online directory which tells both doctors and patients what insurance will cover for treatment. The directory informed both Reid and Dr. Köckritz that German insurance would cover arthroplasty for $30. Dr. Köckritz was prepared to send Reid to an orthopedist who could perform the surgery within a week. However, she advised that Reid talk to both a surgeon and a physical therapist before deciding on surgery. She, like Dr. Tamalet, didn’t believe that arthroplasty was the best solution for his problem.
Unlike the French, Germans don’t love their health care system. Physicians complain about their low fees; the government complains about the increasing cost of care. There have been reforms over the years, but the fundamental system remains untouched.
At the dawn of this century, there were around 400 sickness funds—or Krankenkassen. Many have merged, now leaving around 180. They negotiate fees with hospitals and doctors’ associations. The doctor is paid through the sickness fund, and a patient never receives a bill. To get coverage, the patient “pays a monthly insurance premium to the fund,” and higher earners pay more to acquire the same coverage as everyone else (74). Germans pay 15% of their earnings toward health insurance, with employers sharing the cost. This is nearly equal to what the cost-sharing between American workers and employers for Social Security and Medicare taxes.
In Germany, the Bismarck system operates under the following conditions: it is nonprofit; patients receive coverage even when they’re unemployed; and Germans, unlike the French, can sign up for any sickness fund in the country and change plans when they please. To remain competitive, some sickness plans offer special benefits, such as massage therapies.
The sickness funds provide everyone with coverage, though the wealthy have the option of not taking the mandated insurance, in favor of finding their own private plans. While only 7% of the population uses this option, such liberal politicians argue that this ability to opt out undermines the principle of solidarity that undergirds the insurance funds. Conservatives, on the other hand, argue that it reduces the cost burden. As a result of the expenses brought on by new technologies, Germans have been required, since 2006, to provide a one-time cash payment of about $13 every quarter when they visit the doctor’s office. As meager as this sum is, many Germans complained, arguing that a visit to the doctor should always be free.
The 2006 health care reform also made it more difficult for doctors to perform their work. There is more control over what physicians may prescribe, as well as new regulations over how much they can earn. These restrictions led to protests in Berlin. The reductions in costs are due to “global budgeting”—a practice in which the health system will only spend a set amount each year and will refuse to pay for care after the system reaches that mark. This kind of budgeting is common in Beveridge systems, particularly Britain’s NHS. So, to make up for lost income, doctors find other ways of making money. Dr. Köckritz offers cosmetic procedures and courses in cosmetic medicine.
Still, for Reid, the German health care system is both functional and accessible to anyone who needs treatment.
Reid starts his comparative analysis in two Bismarck countries in Europe—France and Germany. Reid first goes to France, based on its World Health Organization ranking as the best health care system in the world. He goes to Germany because it is the country that first developed a national health care system. Thus, the reader has the benefit of seeing what the best system looks like and what the first ever national health care system looks like. Additionally, the health care system for most working Americans is most similar to the Bismarck Model.
Reid shows how France has found solutions to the unpredictability of payment models and how they have eliminated the costly billing system that has become its own industry in the US. For those who would balk at the fact that the French must keep the same health insurance for life, Reid then points how Germans can choose from 200 private health insurance plans from anywhere within the country.
Regarding medical services, Reid notes that French and German doctors earn far less than their American peers. However, they have more freedom to provide the best course of treatment without worrying about whether insurance companies will pay or if they’ll earn enough to cover their practice’s operating expenses. The French and German systems, respectively, offer patients more options and help to instill the trust that their medical providers are prioritizing the well-being of patients over making profits.