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Noam ChomskyA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Chomsky discusses the role of organized labor as the first line of defense against corporate tyranny from the 1930s to today. Workers who operate in solidarity are a democratizing force that challenges elite controls. US corporations demonized organized labor to the point that the fundamental right to organize and unionize remains unprotected by the government.
The US has a long and violent labor history, but Woodrow Wilson and the red scare crushed unionizing efforts in the 1920s. Reorganizing efforts by groups such as the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the 1930s, especially during Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administrations, helped pave the way for the victories of the 1960s.
FDR’s New Deal was divisive for businesses but was ultimately successful due to popular activism and support from key corporate players like General Electric. The 1930s saw organized labor protesting workers’ rights through strikes and other offensives. Their language is reminiscent of Marxist ideology, but Chomsky points out that they were fighting a class war during the Great Depression.
In the end, government stimulus brought about exponential growth in industrial production during the World War II, which created jobs and spurred substantial economic growth. This prompted the corporate world to launch a reactionary counter-offensive, starting with the Taft-Hartley Act and McCarthyism, which dismantled unions and controlled social networks such as the education system, churches, and sports leagues. The Reagan years saw an intensification of the business offensive, culminating in numerous illegal strike breaks during the George W. Bush administration. Chomsky laments that unions account for less than 7% of the private sector due to this coordinated effort from the top.
Thus, while corporations are class conscious, they actively work to prevent the rest of the people from using this same framework to fight back. Among their tactics are controlling the press and preventing people from thinking in terms of class oppression. Focused on maximizing profit, the corporate system undermines critical thinking, independent thought, and creativity. Chomsky urges people to divide class into two fundamental categories: those who give orders and those who follow orders. With proper organization, the people can replicate the socioeconomic progress of the 1930s.
Chomsky describes how states and elites must manufacture consent to maintain power. He argues in tandem with political philosopher David Hume that true power lies in the people’s hands: If they come together, they can challenge the elite.
To prevent people from escaping their control, the elite created an extensive public relations industry. Led by Edward Bernays, this initiative is based on the Madisonian principle of the “intelligent minority.” In other words, a small group of enlightened elites lead the clueless population, who can’t know what’s best for them. In his book Propaganda, Bernays argues that a functional society must “engineer” consent through public relations to prevent the people from challenging the wishes of the elite.
One of the best ways to keep people in line is through “fabricating consumers,” a term coined by political economist Thorstein Veblen. By making people desire things just within their reach, corporate interests trap them in a vicious cycle of consumerism. Prevailing marketing strategy is based on controlling the needs of the consumer. Businesses strive to create a system in which the consumer and the product form an inseparable dyad, without which life would be meaningless. Chomsky points out that this is the reason younger people feel powerless unless they “have another electronic gadget” (126).
In addition, Chomsky emphasizes the dissonance between economic theory and practice. Whereas textbooks presuppose that consumers make rational and informed decisions, in reality, public relations and marketing strategies are based on withholding information and encouraging irrational impulses. An example is the “psychology of nagging” to target children, a category of consumers previously considered unprofitable due to its lack of purchasing power. However, businesses—collaborating with psychologists and advertisers—realized that manufacturing “wants” in children could become lucrative if they nag their parents enough that the adults spend money.
Chomsky warns of the dangers of corporate interests applying this principle to politics by engineering an “uninformed electorate that will make irrational choices, often against their own interests” (129). Similarly, businesses can work to produce an uninformed public, thereby significantly undermining the democratic process. For example, Chomsky argues that Barak Obama’s victory in 2008 better indicated marketing industry successes than the will of the people. His reasoning is simple: Obama didn’t promise to implement any policy the people demanded, a harbinger for his lack of progress during the four-year term. In other words, policy increasingly caters to the elites who fund campaigns and detaches from public opinion. Chomsky points out that because rational decisions would effectively dismantle corporate power, elites continue to pour billions into advertising.
In his final principle, Chomsky aims to prove that policy is divorced from public opinion and closely aligned with corporate interests. Political scientists Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page confirmed this in “Testing Theories of American Politics,” which evaluated 1,700 different policy decisions and polling data. Chomsky argues that this is unsurprising because the elite seek only to benefit themselves.
Chomsky addresses another issue: misguided mobilization. Whereas people coming together is usually a method to resist corporate control, the elite can manipulate people’s emotions to turn them against one another in the name of mobilization. Donald Trump’s campaigns exemplify this idea: His popularity stems from capitalizing on hate and fear, especially that of the white working and lower-middle classes, some of whom voted for Obama but were disappointed by the lack of positive change. Chomsky notes that effective policy can be constructive and productive. However, Trump’s administration focused on fueling generalized anger rather than enacting positive change.
Chomsky argues that a truly democratic society would celebrate April 15—the day people pay taxes—because policies would prioritize the interests of the people. Current trends in US society, however, reflect the opposite: They increasingly approach Smith’s concept of the “vile maxim.” Chomsky warns that if this selfishness extends to global society, humanity is “headed for massive destruction” (143). He notes that society now has the tools to annihilate all human life: nuclear weapons and climate change. Given the US Republican Party’s unquestioning protection of industries that actively work to destroy the planet, Chomsky considers it the “most dangerous organization in world history” (143).
Although Chomsky doesn’t believe that humans can create a perfect society; he hopes that people will strive for greater freedom and justice. He argues that no justification exists for hierarchy and other structures that rule by dominating others. Unless they can prove their worth, they must be dismantled. Chomsky’s reasoning stems from anarchism, which he considers similar to classical liberal thought on democracy. In the end, he urges people to organize and fight for change. Great progress in history, including the social gains of the 1960s, was possible only because people fought for it. Activism enables people to learn from each other through interaction, and this human connectivity is what pressures governments and pushes people toward solidarity and focusing on what matters most. Chomsky posits that political action must change to bring about an improved reality.
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