Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents: The Politics of Leadership from Roosevelt to Reagan

In the time since the 1960 edition was released, we have seen that the president has authority to send military troops into a conflict, presides over an increasingly important and influential set of administrative agencies within the executive branch, and possesses apparent constitutional authority to have large impacts in the real world without congressional backing. How do these developments support or undermine the theory of the presidency set forth in the 1960 edition of the book? Does the 1990 edition reply to such challenges? Why or why not?

Neustadt suggests that his theory of the presidency applies to the “modern presidents” beginning with (or after) Franklin D. Roosevelt. How well does this view hold up if one seeks to apply Neustadt’s insights to 19th- or early-20th-century presidents? How does comparative analysis of the presidents covered by Neustadt with presidents from earlier times inform your agreement or disagreement with this premise of Neustadt’s book?

What social or political circumstances support Neustadt’s identification of the modern presidency as beginning with or after Roosevelt, and which circumstances tend to undercut this demarcation? In Neustadt’s view, why is the demarcation appropriately drawn around the Roosevelt presidency rather than another?

Neustadt offers his preference for presidents who are more like Franklin D. Roosevelt than Ronald Reagan in several respects. What criteria does he apply to draw the distinction, and how do the presidents between Roosevelt and Reagan align with each of those presidents along such criteria?

Later in the 1990 edition of his book, Neustadt offers some thoughts on the influence of television since 1960, realizing that it had become an essential consideration for the president in recent years and seemed to play a pronounced role in the presidency of Ronald Reagan. Although the internet was emerging around 1990, there was no way Neustadt could foresee its rapid development. What does his discussion about the growing impact of television between 1960 and 1990 offer to one seeking to evaluate the impact of the internet on the presidency or particular presidents between 1990 and today? Does Neustadt’s analysis of technology suggest any parallels between Reagan’s relationship to television and President Donald Trump’s use of Twitter?

Neustadt’s book reflects the pervasive concern that nuclear weapons were poised to launch at the press of a button during the Cold War. The collapse of the Soviet Union at the release of the 1990 edition fundamentally altered that calculus. How have subsequent events altered the environment in which the president operates? Do these changes demand a revision of Neustadt’s advice and assessment? In light of such revisions, do you believe that Neustadt’s core analysis remains relevant to understanding today’s presidency? How were his insights tied to the events dominating the period he wrote in?

Using the various measures that Neustadt applies to the presidents from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan, assess the presidency of one subsequent president (such as George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, or Barack Obama). Explain any additional considerations, not apparent in Neustadt’s framework, that you believe are necessary to fully assess more recent presidents.

Neustadt recognizes that Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard Nixon were astute politicians prior to assuming the presidency, yet they failed spectacularly in applying their abilities to maintain power once in office. How does Neustadt address the apparent challenge to his initial theory posed by these administrations? Does his treatment adequately defend his argument? Why or why not?