Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1965

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Summary

Background

Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Introduction-Chapter 4

Chapters 5-9

Chapters 10-14

Chapter 15-Conclusion

Key Figures

Themes

Index of Terms

Important Quotes

Essay Topics

Tools

Beta

Discussion Questions

Themes

The Nature of Neo-Colonialism

Neo-Colonialism is Kwame Nkrumah’s attempt to define an evolution in colonialism that he has experienced firsthand. As the prime minister and president of a recently-independent country like Ghana, he has borne witness to how the imperial powers have altered the way they exploit their former colonies. Nkrumah thus seeks to examine and expose the nature of neo-colonialism, presenting it as a new form of colonialism that enables earlier patterns of imperialist exploitation and injustice to continue.

According to Nkrumah, under neo-colonialism a country may appear to be independent and sovereign but it is, in reality, controlled by foreign powers. Unlike traditional colonialism—whereby control was exerted through direct military or political rule—neo-colonialism operates more subtly. The imperial powers achieve their dominance through the monopolies created by western corporations and investments, which extract African resources while funneling the profits back into western nations instead of the African countries themselves. The imperial powers also manipulate aid by making it conditional upon African countries conforming to western interests, and by supporting local elites who serve foreign interests. Nkrumah argues that neo-colonialism is therefore a major obstacle to true African independence and development, as it robs Africa of its natural resources and wealth while providing very little profit or sovereignty for African peoples.

Importantly, neo-colonialism is an outgrowth of the previous colonialist regimes. Throughout the book, Nkrumah notes that the same people and institutions from the colonial era are now deeply involved in neo-colonialism. Cecil Rhodes (See: Key Figures) may be dead, but the companies he bult and the processes of wealth extraction he founded remain in place. Companies which Rhodes found, infrastructure which he built, and money which he amassed are vital components of the neo-colonial order, even if the countries in which they operate are supposedly independent.

The subtle change from the overt colonialism of Rhodes to the neo-colonialism of the mid-20th century is an exercise in branding. Whereas Rhodes and his contemporaries were blunt in their racist justification of colonial exploitation, the neo-colonialists preach the language of independence. Western congratulate themselves on awarding independence to their former colonies, yet the financial instruments of exploitation remain in place. Britain and France control the currency used in their former colonies, while Belgium and the CIA conspired to kill Patrice Lumumba when he threatened their exploitation of Congolese wealth. The independence granted to these former colonies is independence in name only, since the developing countries are institutionally captured by the imperial forces.

As a leader of a developing country and a man who has dedicated his life to fighting for the independence of Ghana, Nkrumah is outraged that the world has willfully accepted the superficiality of colonial independence. Neo-colonialism is not only an attempt to diagnose the problem which Nkrumah and others face, but to alert the world to just how little has changed.

The Implications of Foreign Interference

After establishing his thesis about neo-colonialism, Nkrumah investigates the structures and mechanisms which allow a small cadre of people to profit from neo-colonialism. Thanks to the covert influence of what Nkrumah deems the "Invisible Government,” foreign powers continue to control African countries for their own benefit. Throughout Neo-Colonialism, Nkrumah examines the implications of this foreign interference for the newly-independent African nations.

Nkrumah cites philosophical forebears such as Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin in tracing the impacts of neo-colonialism in formerly colonized nations. Nkrumah argues that the forces of foreign capital dictate the flow of profits in such a way as to exploit African workers for the profit of Western capitalists. The African workers in the mines, for example, are paid a fraction of the wages of American miners, while raw resources are shipped out of Africa and processed in Western countries to ensure maximum profitability for the capitalists at the expense of the workers. Such foreign interference ensures that it is western countries, not African ones, that benefit from the vast natural wealth of Africa, all while ensuring the continued oppression and instability of African peoples.

Nkrumah also emphasizes how this foreign interference robs African nations of the ability to develop according to their own desires and for their own ends. He details how ruinous foreign loans visit hardship upon African countries, hampering their economic and social development just when they are trying to establish themselves. African countries are then kept dependent upon foreign aid that comes with conditions favorable to the imperial powers’ economic interests, placing newly-independent African nations in a position of subservience and dependency. Nkrumah contrasts the treatment of Black-majority African nations with those of white-majority former colonies, such as the Commonwealth countries of Canada and Australia. While white-majority former colonies are respected and treated as equals, Black-majority former colonies are derided as “developing countries” (See: Index of Terms) who still require the intervention and oversight of foreign entities.

Nkrumah also highlights the murder of Patrice Lumumba as the most extreme example of foreign interference. Lumumba and the people of the Congo faced strong resistance from Belgium when they tried to end the ongoing Belgian control of Congolese assets and resources. Lumumba was eventually murdered by firing squad by separatists with the connivance of Belgian agents and the CIA. Nkrumah’s detailed account of this crime emphasizes that any African leader who tries to assert true sovereignty in the face of western pressure will risk losing his power or his life—Lumumba's fate thus suggests that the western powers still refuse to concede that political power should now rest in the hands of the African peoples and not the former colonial regimes.

The Importance of Unity for Resistance

Neo-colonialism can seem like an insurmountable foe. Throughout Neo-Colonialism, however, Nkrumah is optimistic. He argues for the importance of unity for effective resistance, presenting class solidarity and Pan-Africanism as viable forces against the powers of neo-colonialism.

Nkrumah regards class solidarity as a key source for unity—not just within Africa, but on a global scale. An important part of his critique of neo-colonialism is based on class interest: The Invisible Government, he suggests, exploits the many for the benefit of a few wealthy individuals. The vast majority of working-class people in countries like the United States, Great Britain, and France have more in common with the exploited peoples of developing companies than they do with the wealthy imperialists of their own countries.

Nkrumah thus believes that class solidarity between working-class people in developing countries and working-class people in Western countries can foster effective opposition to an economic system that thrives on exploitation and monopoly. By publishing his book, Nkrumah is reaching out to working-class Westerners to elucidate the shared difficulties they face, inviting them to regard the struggles of post-independence Africans as reflecting some of their own battles for economic justice and prosperity.

As well as class solidarity, Nkrumah believes that Pan-Africanism is a powerful tool for resisting neo-colonialism (See: Background). Africa is a country rich in resources and people; however, divisions have been sown on the continent by centuries of colonial rule. These divisions endure into the era of neo-colonialism but there is no reason why this must continue to be so. Pan-African unity will offer a strong rebuke to the imperialist forces by enabling Africans to work together in fighting for their common interests.

In his discussions of financial systems, for example, Nkrumah notes the way in which many former colonies are beholden to the imperialists because they continue to rely on currencies and banks operated by Western financial interests. In Ghana, they established their own currency and their own central bank, giving the Ghanian people agency over their own economy. Ghana’s example suggests that Western financial interests can be dismantled if African states will work with one another to control their own banking and trade, as a united Africa will be inherently more powerful than the small group of capitalists who form the Invisible Government.

Nkrumah ends his book with a call for unity and resistance. Victory is possible, he says, so long as the people of developing countries can work together. This proposed strength contrasts with his theory of the fragility of imperial forces, suggesting that neo-colonialism can be defeated once and for all.