Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1965

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Summary

Background

Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Introduction-Chapter 4

Chapters 5-9

Chapters 10-14

Chapter 15-Conclusion

Key Figures

Themes

Index of Terms

Important Quotes

Essay Topics

Tools

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Discussion Questions

Key Figures

Kwame Nkrumah

Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) was a prominent African nationalist, pan-Africanist, and the first Prime Minister and President of Ghana. His personal political experience gives him insight into the practicalities and the travails which face countries seeking independence from imperialist powers. In Neo-Colonialism, he shares what he has learned with his readers.

Nkrumah is dedicated to the liberation of Africa from colonial rule and the promotion of African unity. As a youngster, he excelled academically and trained as a teacher in Accra before moving to the United States in 1935 to further his studies. His time in the US exposed him to ideas of Black liberation, socialism, and Pan-Africanism, with intellectual influences ranging from Marcus Garvey to Karl Marx, many of whom he cites throughout Neo-Colonialism.

Nkrumah returned to the Gold Coast in 1947 to join the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC), a political party pushing for self-governance. However, Nkrumah soon found the UGCC’s methods too conservative and broke away to form his own party, the Convention People’s Party (CPP), in 1949. His slogan, “Self-government now,” resonated with the masses, particularly the working class and youth. This call for autonomy is echoed throughout Neo-Colonialism.

In 1957, Ghana (formerly the Gold Coast) became the first sub-Saharan African country to gain independence from colonial rule, with Nkrumah as its first prime minister. In 1960, Ghana became a republic and Nkrumah became its first president. Nkrumah’s vision extended beyond Ghana’s borders. He was a staunch advocate of Pan-Africanism, the belief that African countries should unite to form a single, powerful entity capable of resisting external domination (See: Background). He believed that political unity was essential for economic independence and that only through unity could African nations achieve real freedom from the legacies of colonialism. To this end, Nkrumah supported liberation movements across Africa and played a significant role in the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. His government also pursued socialist policies aimed at industrializing Ghana, promoting education, and reducing poverty.

In 1965, Nkrumah published Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, which argues that African nations remain economically and politically dominated by foreign powers. The book had a significant impact on anti-imperialist thought globally, but it also angered Western powers, particularly the United States, which Nkrumah accused of being a leading force in neo-colonialism. This, coupled with Ghana’s economic struggles and Nkrumah’s domestic policies, made him vulnerable to political opposition. Nkrumah was deposed a year after publication, and later died in exile.

Harry Frederick Oppenheimer

According to Nkrumah, Harry Frederick Oppenheimer was “the king of mining in South Africa” (110). As the chairman of both De Beers Consolidated Mines and the Anglo American Corporation (which his father had founded in 1917), Oppenheimer played a pivotal role in shaping the global diamond industry and South Africa’s economy during the 20th century. He took over as chairman of Anglo American in 1957, following his father’s death, during a period when more countries in Africa were pushing for (or had already attained) independence.

Under Oppenheimer’s leadership, Anglo American and De Beers became powerful global entities. De Beers maintained its near-monopoly over the diamond market, controlling prices and supply through its Central Selling Organization (CSO). Oppenheimer’s strategic management of the diamond supply chain allowed the company to remain dominant in the market for much of the 20th century.

In Neo-Colonialism, Nkrumah shows how powerful figures like Oppenheimer are intertwined in the imperialist framework of exploitative wealth extraction. Oppenheimer is just one example of the complicated knot of board directorships, shareholding, and relationships which obfuscate his true role in the network of neo-colonialism.

Patrice Lumumba

Patrice Lumumba was a central figure in the African independence movement and a key player in the decolonization of the Congo (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo). In Neo-Colonialism, Nkrumah points to Lumumba as a cautionary tale for African leaders who seek to fight against the forces of imperialism.

As a youth, Lumumba worked as a postal clerk and, later, as a beer salesman, which allowed him to travel across the country. This experience exposed him to the harsh realities of Belgian colonial rule, including the severe racial discrimination faced by the Congolese population, economic exploitation, and the lack of political rights for African citizens. His travels also deepened his understanding of Congo’s complex ethnic and political landscape. In 1955, he joined the Liberal Party, and a few years later, in 1958, he co-founded the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC), a political party advocating for national unity and independence.

The turning point in Lumumba’s political career came in 1959 when the Belgian authorities arrested him for his role in organizing anti-colonial protests. After a brief imprisonment, Lumumba emerged as one of the leading figures in the push for Congolese independence. In January 1960, at a roundtable conference in Brussels, Belgium, the MNC played a major role in securing a plan for Congo’s independence, which was set for June 30th, 1960.

On the day of independence, Lumumba, now the country’s first prime minister, delivered a fiery speech that contrasted sharply with the conciliatory tone of King Baudouin of Belgium, who had praised the “civilizing mission” of Belgian colonialism. Lumumba’s speech, which condemned the brutality and exploitation of colonial rule, electrified the Congolese people but alarmed Western powers—especially Belgium and the United States, who viewed his radical stance and nationalist rhetoric as a potential threat to their interests in the region.

As described by Nkrumah, the newly-independent Congo was immediately plunged into crisis. Within days of independence, a mutiny broke out in the army, and ethnic tensions threatened to tear the country apart. Moise Tshombe, the leader of the resource-rich Katanga province, declared the region’s secession, backed by Belgian mining interests. Belgium sent troops to protect its economic assets under the pretext of restoring order, but this intervention further destabilized the country.

In response, Lumumba appealed to the United Nations for assistance. However, frustrated with the UN’s perceived inaction, Lumumba turned to the Soviet Union for support, a move that alarmed the United States and its allies during the Cold War. Western governments, fearing that Lumumba was a communist or that Congo would fall into the Soviet sphere of influence, decided to act against him.

As Lumumba’s government struggled to maintain control, internal divisions grew. Joseph-Désiré Mobutu, the army’s chief of staff, seized the opportunity and led a coup against Lumumba in September 1960. Mobutu, with the support of Belgium and the US, arrested Lumumba and placed him under house arrest. Despite being a prisoner, Lumumba remained defiant and continued to enjoy significant popular support. This made him a dangerous figure for the powers that sought to control Congo’s future.

In January 1961, Lumumba was flown to Katanga, the secessionist province where Tshombe’s forces, supported by Belgian mercenaries, held sway. On January 17th, 1961, Lumumba was executed by firing squad in a remote location. His death was carried out with the direct involvement of Belgian officers and tacit approval from the CIA. For weeks, the news of Lumumba’s death was concealed from the public. When it finally emerged, it sparked outrage and condemnation across Africa and the world.

Though his tenure as prime minister was brief, his vision for an independent, united, and sovereign Congo resonated with many across Africa and beyond. Lumumba’s advocacy of Pan-Africanism and his tragic death make him a key figure in Nkrumah’s description of the immensity and the viciousness of the imperialist forces which oppose true African independence.

Cecil Rhodes

Cecil Rhodes was a British imperialist, businessman, and politician whose legacy is deeply intertwined with the history of British colonialism in Africa. In Neo-Colonialism, he represents the ghost of colonialism past, functioning as the embodiment of an era when the imperialist powers were much more explicit in their desires, if not less destructive.

As a young man, Rhodes was sent to South Africa for health reasons, where he became involved in the diamond mining industry. By his mid-20s, Rhodes had established himself as a powerful figure in the mining business, founding De Beers Consolidated Mines in 1888, which would go on to dominate the global diamond market. Rhodes was driven by an imperial vision: Rhodes believed that British civilization and governance were superior and that the spread of British control would benefit the world, particularly Africa.

Rhodes’s influence on British colonial expansion was most pronounced in Southern Africa. He became the prime minister of the Cape Colony (now part of South Africa) in 1890 and used his position to promote policies that would strengthen British control and secure access to the region’s wealth, particularly its mineral resources. One of Rhodes’s major goals was to extend British control northward. In pursuit of this, he orchestrated the colonization of territories that became known as Northern and Southern Rhodesia (modern-day Zambia and Zimbabwe, respectively).

These territories were controlled by the British South Africa Company (BSAC), a private company founded by Rhodes in 1889. The BSAC was granted a royal charter, giving it administrative and military powers, which effectively allowed Rhodes to govern these areas on behalf of the British Crown. Rhodes’s push into Southern Africa was not without resistance: Indigenous groups fought against British encroachment, but these resistance efforts were brutally suppressed by Rhodes’s forces.

A key aspect of Rhodes’s legacy is his role in laying the foundation for racial segregation in Southern Africa. His government implemented policies that disenfranchised the Black population and concentrated wealth and land in the hands of white settlers. Rhodes’s administration passed laws that limited the voting rights of citizens of color and laid the groundwork for the segregationist policies that would later be formalized under apartheid in South Africa. Rhodes believed in the inherent superiority of the white race, and his views on race were central to his colonial policies. He once said, “I contend that we are the finest race in the world, and that the more of the world we inhabit, the better it is for the human race.”

Cecil Rhodes died in 1902, but his legacy continued to shape Southern Africa for much of the 20th century. His name remains associated with some of the most significant aspects of British colonialism and, as such, he looms large in Nkrumah’s battle against the legacy of colonialism.