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44 pages 1 hour read

John Lewis, Andrew Aydin

March: Books 2 & 3

Nonfiction | Graphic Memoir | YA | Published in 2016

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March: Book Two, Pages 92-179Chapter Summaries & Analyses

March: Book Two, Pages 92-179 Summary

When Lewis and other Freedom Riders arrived in Jackson, they were promptly arrested. They refused to post bail so as to deny financial support to the system of segregation. While King demanded a more concerted response from the Kennedy administration, Lewis and others were sent to a notorious prison farm in Mississippi, where the warden warned them that there would be no newspapers to publicize their plight. The prisoners resisted the guards’ attempts to dehumanize them, singing “freedom songs” even after the guards confiscated their mattresses, sprayed them with firehoses, and deprived them of toothbrushes. Over a month after their arrest, someone posted bond on the prisoners’ behalf, and as the Freedom Riders continued throughout the summer, the Justice Department successfully called for the Interstate Commerce Commission to affirm the integration of bus travel.

Returning to Nashville, Lewis campaigned for equal employment opportunity, but as protesters continued to endure harassment and violence, some members began to question the commitment to nonviolence. The main voice of dissension was Stokely Carmichael, who regarded nonviolence purely as a tactic rather than as a way of life. In response, Lewis helped to arrange Carmichael’s expulsion from the group. The SNCC then turned its efforts to registering Black voters in the South, especially Mississippi, where only 5% of eligible Black citizens had registered, and those who either registered or helped others to do so faced serious threats of violence.

At the second anniversary meeting of the SNCC in 1962, Carmichael and others argued that protesters should no longer accept violence passively and ought instead to respond in kind. Lewis was elected to the central committee and was therefore able to overrule Carmichael’s position, but discipline continued to waver at many protests. Attention then shifted to Alabama following the inauguration of its virulently racist governor, George Wallace. Under King’s leadership, several groups descended upon Birmingham and forced a national debate over segregation. Bull Connor proved ruthless in suppressing protests, promptly arresting King and setting a prohibitively high bail. From jail, King wrote his highly influential “Letter From Birmingham Jail,” which espoused resistance to unjust laws as the truest form of respect for the law. The SNCC and other advocates prepared Birmingham’s young people to take part in the marches, and the arrest of nearly one thousand children put the city on the defensive. Connor attempted to snuff out protests by using firehoses and attack dogs, but the appearance of these brutal images on national television generated enough outrage to compel the city to begin desegregating. One month later, in June 1963, civil rights activist Medgar Evers was assassinated by a Klansman in Jackson, Mississippi, prompting President Kennedy to issue a national address on the need for civil rights legislation.

Kennedy’s call for legislation coincided with King’s announcement of a large march on Washington, DC, in late summer 1963. As the newly elected chairman of the SNCC, Lewis was immediately thrust into debates over whether a march on Washington would help or hinder progress on legislation. Many in the SNCC dismissed the march and legislation alike as empty gestures, but A. Philip Randolph had used the threat of a march to force the desegregation of the defense industry during World War II, and he would lend his enormous prestige and skill to King’s planned march as well. Randolph, King, Lewis, and other civil rights leaders then visited the White House to negotiate. Kennedy worried that further demonstrations, especially in Washington, would erode support for civil rights in Congress, while Randolph and King insisted that the march was necessary to publicize the struggle, that the organizations were restless for action, and that there was never a proper time to challenge unjust structures. Not present at the meeting was Malcolm X, a top spokesman for the Nation of Islam, who argued that Black people would never receive fair treatment in a white-dominated society and so should opt instead for self-reliance.

Lewis then traveled to New York City for a meeting of what would later be called the “Big Six,” the leaders of the groups primarily responsible for organizing the March on Washington. Randolph accepted leadership of the March but took on Bayard Rustin as his deputy, a brilliant and tireless organizer who was nonetheless controversial due to his homosexuality. The leadup to the March featured some encouraging signs, from Robert Kennedy pledging his support for the March and Malcolm X tacitly endorsing it by being in Washington at the same time, but upon arriving in Washington, Lewis found himself in trouble due to the draft of his planned speech. The Catholic Archbishop of Washington was planning to bless the event, but objected to Lewis’s description of “patience” as a “dirty and nasty word.” The morning of the march, Lewis and other leaders found that the people had gone on to the Lincoln Memorial ahead of them, and when they arrived, further arguments erupted over Lewis’s speech. The archbishop objected to language of “revolution” and “the masses” as the terminology of atheistic communism, while Randolph asked him to tone down his scathing critiques of the US government.

Lewis spoke sixth at the March and was the longest-living speaker of the event. He demanded that the federal government enshrine the right of “one man, one vote” for all eligible adults and produce a civil rights bill that could take down the police state of Jim Crow. He demanded equity in pay for equal work, care for the destitute, and access to a decent education. He denounced a political system that criticizes peaceful protest while condoning police brutality, and he called for “Black Masses” all over the country to keep up the effort until they receive the freedom they deserve as American citizens and as human beings. The March then became a signature moment in history with King’s delivery of his legendary “I Have a Dream” speech. However, the joy of the march was undone only weeks later by the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, which killed four young girls.

March: Book Two, Pages 92-179 Analysis

Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream Speech” at the 1963 March on Washington is one of the most important pieces of rhetoric in US history. It has become so familiar within the cultural landscape that King’s words often lack connection with the context of their delivery. The speech today is often portrayed as a hopeful one based on a belief that, sooner or later, America must deliver on the “promissory note” that it gave to Black Americans with the Declaration of Independence and Emancipation Proclamation. King famously dreamed that “one day my four little children will live in a nation where they will be judged not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character,” which has been largely interpreted as King having an optimistic attitude regarding the ability of future generations to overcome the prejudice of their elders. However, because King was assassinated at age 39, four and a half years after giving that speech, connecting his words to the present day is difficult; unlike John Lewis and others, King is not alive to revisit his own story and revise his views. By placing the speech back into its historical context, where it serves as a climax for the middle volume of his story, Lewis at least offers a much more comprehensive view of the speech’s importance.

The speech came at a pivotal moment for the struggle for civil rights. The Kennedy administration had made its clearest declaration of support for a civil rights bill, and as the Freedom Riders had demonstrated two years prior, federal action was the only force capable of restraining the rampant brutality of Jim Crow. Yet even with a relatively friendly White House, dependence on Washington created new difficulties for the movement. These difficulties tie into the theme of The Civil Rights Movement as a Revolution, highlighting the unique nature of this revolution. The movement had succeeded in gaining enough publicity to force the government’s hand, but the government did not want to look as though it was caving under pressure, and so it called for a suspension of direct actions while it hashed out the details of legislation. The “Big Six” leadership suspected that if they in turn appeared to be giving in, the substance of the legislation would fall far short of their demands. The terms of the negotiation were fundamentally unjust—activists were demanding nothing more than that the federal government enforce the Constitution with respect to its Black citizens, but even a well-meaning administration could cite the inevitable political backlash as a reason to drag their feet.

The movement had already endured terrible suffering and loss, and so there was a temptation to spare volunteers from further trauma, but unless the activists secured their rights, all their efforts would have been for nothing. A massive march on Washington was thus a tremendous risk. Although federal control of the city would make direct violence against the protesters highly unlikely, the Kennedy administration would view it as a direct challenge, and given their public support of civil rights, could frame such a massive protest as a sign that their demands were far more radical. The debate over Radicalism Versus Moderation was always at work in terms of public perceptions; although the civil rights movement was a revolution, effective framing of that revolution was key to its success.

Contemporary culture tends to present the image of King standing in front of the Lincoln memorial as an image purely of hope. At the time, however, that image, coupled with images of thousands of protesters marching through the nations’ capital, could appear subversive, especially in a Cold War context when fear of communism was widespread. As beloved as King is today, he was highly controversial in his own day, and the FBI regarded him as either a communist agent or an unwitting dupe of the Soviet government.

The leadup to the March reflected the pull between radicalism and moderation, as widespread publicity led to demonstrations throughout the country, triggering brutal police repression and efforts among political leaders to tarnish the reputations of the March’s organizers. The city of Washington became an armed camp. Thousands of police and military patrolled the streets, raising the question of whether they were there to protect the protesters or suppress them. The eruption surrounding Lewis’s speech is representative of the problems facing the March. Lewis wanted to embody the righteous rage of a people who had given so much to a country that gave them so little in return, but precisely because the power structures in America were white, he could not antagonize them without jeopardizing the goals of the movement. Lewis had to walk a fine line of making a case for urgent change without putting white America on the defensive. He thus criticized the political system as a whole, with two parties that jointly upheld the system of segregation and marginalization of Black people, and refrained from harsh critiques of specific politicians.

King’s speech was the last of that day, and in its full context, it becomes evident that King’s “dream” is meant to draw a contrast with a harsh reality. It is because America has so thoroughly and consistently failed its Black citizens that King must dream of a world without racial hatred. He draws an analogy with the biblical image of the wolf laying down with the lamb (Isaiah 11:6), a vision of how things ought to be rather than a prediction of how they will be. This vision comes from a place of profound pain, sorrow, and doubt after years of constant struggle with success still lingering on the horizon. The speech was a plea to his audience to remain hopeful and yearn for something better when there was so little evidence of that future in front of them. King’s appeal to hope proved all the more necessary in the wake of his speech, because his dream of a better world would appear to become even more remote. Mere weeks after the March, the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, one of the most gruesome atrocities of the era, would reveal to the marchers how far they still had to go.

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