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Philippe BourgoisA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Bourgois turns his attention to public schools next. Public schools work as institutions that, early on, socialize individuals like Caesar and Primo into modes of engaging street society. Because of the failures of public schooling, street culture often offers an "alternative" to early education: "[T]he proto-criminal youth crew—gang—which effectively fills the formal institutional vacuum created by truancy" (174).Bourgois uses Primo’s experiences with early education as an example. Many elementary school teachers claim that students are bent on impressing their teachers, at least until the second grade. Both Primo and Caesar had negative experiences, however, and neither liked school nor their teachers. Primo dealt with not only disliking his homework, but also "institutional alienation" (175) from learning due to his immigrant status. His mother didn’t speak English, which caused confusion during early class meetings with his teacher. Bourgois says that Primo might have also adopted his mother’s distrust of her previous plantation worker in Puerto Rico as well as of her boss at the sweatshop in the United States. These triggers might have caused Primo to form the same relationship of distrust with his teacher, a distrust that hinged on not wanting to try and appease his teacher only to end up failing.
Bourgois brings up "cultural production theory" (176) to underscore Primo’s issues in class. Cultural production theory states that teachers process "[t]angible markers" (176) subconsciously when they assess children. These markers can include dress, play styles, eye contact, and cultural markers like accents and are placed into a hierarchy by white, middle-class teachers. An example of this is when Primo sat in class as a child and did not participate. He often graffitied his desk. He was seen as deficient, yet when standardized tests came around, he always passed them. Bourgois also defines the “exclusionary power of cultural capital” (176) by citing Ray’s success as a manager with his crackhouses against his inability to even get a driver’s license. School is where social parameters are often established, so people like Ray and Primo learned from an early stage what they could expect from mainstream society: "[W]hen Primo achieved minimal literacy and an understanding of grade school conventions, he was able to manipulate the system against his mother and betray her" (177). This in turn resulted in violence at home as his mother subjected him to beatings out of anger. Primo began acting out in school, leading to drug and alcohol abuse at an early age. His mother sent him to Puerto Rico in an attempt to help him, yet Primo found himself at odds even while on the same plantation his mother had left. He was a classic example of someone who had abandoned his country to others. He felt as if he was in two separate worlds and that both worlds were "reject[ing] him" (178).
In “Violence: Family and Institutional,” Bourgois turns to Caesar’s backstory with school. Unlike Primo’s mother, Caesar’s mother was literate. She immigrated to the U.S. as a teenager and had a history of drug abuse, sexual partners, and anger that culminated into murder and incarceration. Bourgois shows how Caesar, the oldest child, was literate and did well at school but was violent. His parents had him when his mother was only 16 and his father 20. She was a heroin addict and slept around, and then murdered a doctor she was sleeping with. Caesar was raised by his grandmother and moved from one extended family member to the next. His violent actions as an adult can be traced to the violence and instability he encountered as a child. Caesar even admits picking fights all the time, even if he knew he couldn’t win. He was also sent to a reform school. He was routinely beat up by the counselors and other students, thus admitting vulnerability, but said he had to fight and be violent to survive. He also admits to never being hit by his mother or grandmother, and that his mother actually scared him because she too would get in fights with people.
In the next section, Bourgois shows how adept Caesar was at learning street skills while in school. He was known as an disturbed child in middle school, and this is where his present-day dependence on social welfare comes from; he was deemed as "mentally and emotionally disabled" (190). He was placed in a special education class, and when his teacher confronted him one day, he cut his teacher’s tie with a pair of scissors. He then told his principal that he heard voices. Based on all this, he was placed on medication and sent to a special education school on Ward’s Island for three years.
Bourgois next turns to peer pressure in early education. Most of the individuals he’s profiling blame their peer groups for causing their reliance on the street and the underground economy. Instead of learning in school, these individuals hung out in the streets and learned street culture: "Car thieving was a memorable rite of passage into teenagehood for an enterprising youngster" (195). This also served to vent anger at the middle-class world that was encroaching onto the borders of El Barrio.
The last section, “Adolescent Gang Rape,” was one of the most troubling for Bourgois. He heard many stories from Primo and Caesar about their involvement in gang rape and "was tempted to omit this discussion, fearing that readers would become too disgusted and angry with the crack dealers and deny them a human face" (207). He learned that Ray would host these gang rapes in the same building where the Social Club was, and that one involved a 17-year-old girl who was raped by at least five different men. Bourgois admits that he was worried about “the politics of representation” (207) that might play out in his retelling of these narratives. Bourgois’s concern was that others would see their actions as representative of Puerto Ricans in general and view these stories as public humiliation. To counteract this, Bourgois "tape-recorded several accounts by survivors to obtain alternative perspectives" (207). However, he was only able to develop a deeper context with those he had "long-term relationships" (207) with, like Primo and Caesar.
In “Witnessing Patriarchy in Crisis,” Bourgois turns to the shifting trends in gender roles. With the rise of women in the workplace, he finds that men aren’t as welcoming to the upward mobility of these women. In establishing domestic spheres, most harken to the "patriarchal models of empowerment" (214) of their grandfathers. Bourgois underscores that the women in these public and private spheres are not culpable or problem-forming. In other words, he isn’t shaming their newfound roles or using them as the faulty pretext for male violence. The most obvious place where this gender conflict can be seen is in the workplace, where men dealt with female bosses and risked having their identities as "autocratic" (214) Puerto Rican men sidelined. Also, newer generations had to encounter the old ideals of a large family with many kids that were dominated by a male, which gave way to the bleak reality of living in El Barrio and unable to provide. Males who have tried to provide but have ended up with no economic income are hit the hardest by this assault on their gender.
The next section outlines examples of domestic violence in a post-industrialized society. Bourgois tells the story of Candy, Felix's wife. Candy initially wanted to have 12 kids, although she only managed to have 5. Candy's father abused her until she was 13. She got pregnant at 13 and had the baby, but it was taken away from her because she was a minor. When her boyfriend tried to marry her, they were denied for being too young. Candy admitted that Felix, who began beating her when she was 13, was just like her father:"I escaped my mother's house, because I'm a battered daughter; but then I'm going to be a battered wife. I thought it was love" (221). Because she was used to being beaten by her father, she would look for arguments so that Felix would hit her. Candy was also suicidal and had attempted suicide several times. Due to her husband’s beatings, she had five miscarriages. Candy knew that Felix had eyes for other women, but when she caught him, he crossed the line of social kinship. Candy’s response was to shoot him in the stomach. By doing so, Candy asserted herself as a scorned lover and as a woman with power, and everyone sided with her. Her battered women’s syndrome proved too much, however, as she forgave Felix as soon as she shot him when he told her he loved her. She then called an ambulance and got rid of the gun.
Bourgois continues Candy’s story by highlighting how she bucked traditional gender roles. After she shot Felix and he went to jail, she began selling and using crack as well as engaging in sexual relationships with other men. Everyone knew she had shot Felix and respected her for it. In a short time, however, Candy turned into a female version of Felix. She neglected her kids and began boasting about her sexual conquests. She also had another child and began a relationship with Primo. However, Primo couldn’t take Candy’s usurpation of male gender roles. To get his revenge, he resorted to physical violence and ultimately broke up with her. Bourgois shows that despite Candy’s shortcomings, she was a victim of a system that crippled her. Like others, Candy was a part of the poor that are arbitrarily labeled as either "worthy" or "unworthy" (243) of aid. She resorted to selling crack to take care of her kids and to ensure that their needs would be met. She even obtained asocial security number so that she could file with the IRS for her legal work.
In “The Internalizing of Institutional Constraints,” Bourgois shows the pitfalls that Candy experienced. Even as a hardworking mother for her kids, Candy was still unable to secure enough social security and welfare. There was also a mistake with her social security paperwork that rendered her unable to collect. Selling crack was the way she gave her kids a fighting chance. Candy herself bemoaned her plight when she talked to Bourgois about how she does her best for her kids, which includes not doing as many drugs and putting her kids in Catholic school. However, she still can’t rise above poverty. Candy was eventually caught and sent to jail, but Ray paid her bail. When Candy appeared for her sentencing, she was almost ruled in contempt of court because of her clothing. With this example, Bourgois shows how the differences in attitude and culture worked against Candy from the outset: "Candy had thought she was faithfully following her lawyer's advice of wearing 'a good, new suit' on her first court date, and she had arrived in a skintight, blood-red jumpsuit" (256). Candy’s feelings were genuinely hurt by the judge’s disgust, and Candy chalked the judge’s disgust up to the fact that she was an older white woman.
Chapter 5 highlights the ways in which members of the underground economy are educated into street culture. Ironically, many of these individuals, including Caesar and Primo, were introduced and indoctrinated into troubling modes of behavior while in public school. Public school didn’t hold any interest for these individuals. Moreover, feelings of alienation and inferiority often accompanied classroom education. Primo’s mother was unable to communicate with his teacher due to a language barrier, while Primo himself found learning boring. Caesar worked the system from an early age by telling his principal he heard voices, thereby allowing him to be listed as "mentally and emotionally disabled" (190). This fact, and the fact that he continues to collect checks due to his disability, show a learning curve that he picked up not from institutional education but from the street smarts of street culture.
Bourgois introduces two terms to better explain early schooling. The first is cultural production theory, which underscores how middle-class American teachers subconsciously profile students. Primo’s refusal to participate in class labeled him as a trouble-maker. The second is the “exclusionary power of cultural capital” (176), which highlights how Ray learned how to manage a crackhouse through street smarts yet is unable to engage in the prevailing culture by getting something as seemingly simple as a driver’s license. Bourgois is also appalled in this chapter when he hears about another form of street education—gang rape. He learns from Primo and Caesar that kids and young men are allowed to rape girls, with Ray’s blessing, which shows them how to be “men” in an underground economy.
Gender roles in El Barrio are often viewed with set parameters, yet Bourgois shows how these roles are changing, as well as the resistance to this change. Candy is an example of a woman who manages to break the traditional female role of an abused mother and wife when she shoots her husband for sleeping around. When he is sent to jail, Candy begins acting just like him by sleeping around and neglecting her children. She also starts selling crack and using. Even though Candy has stepped into a male role and loves her newfound freedom, the men in her life see her as a failed woman. Her usurpation of their role, and one that they aren’t able to uphold as none of them can successfully care for their children, is both a harrowing indictment and nonverbal accusation of impotence. Even with Candy’s agency, however, she is unable to fully support her kids as the prevailing system doesn’t allow for her to fully function in a legal economy. She must work in the underground economy to attempt to support herself and her kids.
Another instance of street culture and institutionalized racism is shown when Candy is almost thrown in contempt of court due to her tight red jumpsuit. Candy imagines she is showing respect in purchasing a new outfit for court, while the judge, as a symbol of white, middle-class America, thinks her clothing doesn’t reflect her contriteness.
By Philippe Bourgois