69 pages • 2 hours read
Heather Cox RichardsonA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The word “democracy” comes from the Greek dēmokratia, which in turn comes from two roots: dēmos, meaning “people,” and kratos, meaning “rule.” In a literal sense, democracy thus means “ruled by the people.” Americans might be most familiar with this concept though a phrase made famous by President Abraham Lincoln in his Gettysburg Address, when he declared that the United States is a “government of the people, by the people, for the people” (Lincoln, Abraham. “Gettysburg address delivered at Gettysburg Pa. Nov. 19th, 1863.” Library of Congress). The central idea behind a democracy is that the people of a country should play a central role in its operation and that a ruling government’s power and authority should come from the consent of the governed.
Many people trace democracy back to Athens in the fifth century BCE, where “all adult citizens were required to take an active part in the government” (“Democracy (Ancient Greece).” National Geographic Education, 2023). While many 21st-century democracies consider voting a right rather than a responsibility, some democratic countries still have compulsory voting. Like the early American concept of citizenship that Heather Cox Richardson discusses, the ancient Athenian concept of citizenship did not include women, children, or enslaved persons: Only a select group or free men were considered citizens and therefore had a voice in government.
The form of democracy practiced by ancient Athenians is called “direct democracy”: Citizens directly assemble to vote for laws and legislation. In the 18th century, when countries with large numbers of citizens like the United Stated began to form, direct democracy was considered impractical and was replaced with large governmental organizations called “representative democracies,” wherein citizens elect representatives to govern on their behalf and representatives are subject to re-election for accountability. In Part 3, particularly Chapters 22 and 23, Richardson describes how America’s Founders worked through ideas central to democracy after ceding from England and winning the American Revolution, including how to make a government accountable to and representative of its people, without impinging upon its citizens’ inalienable rights.
The degree to which a democratic government is truly representative of its people has to do with who is legally considered a citizen, how citizenship is related to voting rights, and how these rights are ensured in a systemic and practical, lived context. One of Richardson’s key concerns is describing the ways American government has fallen short of true democracy as it is theorized, especially as it relates to the rights of women, people who lack financial resources, and non-white citizens. For instance, Richardson discusses how for a hundred years after enslavement ended, Black Americans were systemically prevented from voting due to Black Codes, poll taxes, literacy tests, and other Jim Crow–era methods of disenfranchisement, thus denying them an equal voice in government. In her discussion of the post-1950s trend toward authoritarianism, Richardson examines the way anti-democratic legislation has been built into American politics in systems like the winner-takes-all electoral college, gerrymandering, redistricting, court packing, and purging of voter rolls.
Popular history is a genre of history book aimed at the common reader. Academic history books appeal to experts and include specific details, theories, and interpretations that rely on the reader’s already having a base of knowledge in the subject. Popular history texts, on the other hand, teach readers the terminology they need to understand its key concepts. Richardson, for instance, uses narrative examples and explanation to teach readers the definition and context of phrases like “liberal consensus,” “authoritarianism,” and “Movement Conservatism,” without assuming her readers already know what these terms mean.
Popular history also uses a narrative style to appeal to readers, presenting history as an interwoven narrative story rather than a series of dates and events. This style more closely approximates the way people organically tell stories. People organize their individual experiences into themes, make connections between past and present experiences, and relate their experiences to others. Richardson’s book adopts this storytelling tactic. Rather than chronicling American democracy from its roots in the Revolutionary era to the present, she begins in the early 20th century, covering the last hundred years of United States history to define the recent history of the terms “liberalism” and “conservatism,” occasionally dipping back further in time to the Civil War era to contextualize its effect on the development of these concepts. Part 2 then discusses the Trump presidency, which Richardson sees as a testing ground for the rising authoritarianism she set up in Part 1. Her final chapter dips back to the United States’ founding to examine the ideas of independence and equality in the nation and how they have been unequally applied throughout United States history but persevered nonetheless. This non-sequential structure allows Richardson to craft a narrative of the nature of democracy and authoritarianism in the United States, in which the present is deeply affected by the past.
Popular history draws criticism for two key reasons. The first is that it is sometimes less cited and researched than academic history. While this is sometimes true, like many books and internet resources, the reliability of popular history often depends on the personal research, expertise, and citational ethics of its author. Richardson is an academic trained extensively in the areas she discusses in the book. She has been involved in many public-facing historical education endeavors. Further, she provides an extensive works cited and index.
The second criticism of popular history concerns the debate about how access to and knowledge of their country’s historical actions affect people’s views of their country. Critics of making history more widely accessible via popular history debate “whether the purpose of learning about that history was to make students more patriotic about, or more critical of, their nation’s past” (Witham, Nick. “Howard Zinn and the Politics of Popular History.” The Chronicle of Higher Education, 2023). Historical narratives that account for negative aspects of American history, such as enslavement and oppression, occasionally draw ire and “hyperbolic conservative opposition from activists, journalists, and politicians, as well as more measured but nonetheless significant pushback from within the historical profession” (Witham), on the grounds that this history is antithetical to patriotism. Richardson’s book addresses this phenomenon directly and extensively in her discussion of The Use of False History to Manipulate Ideology. One well-known example she cites is the backlash against Nikole Hannah-Jones’s The 1619 Project, which Donald Trump called a “radicalized” history that taught “lies” and which he attempted to counteract with his 1776 Project. In this way, while Richardson never comments directly on the debate about the popular history genre, the themes of her book make a case for the genre’s value.
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