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73 pages 2 hours read

Alan Brinkley

American History: A Survey

Nonfiction | Reference/Text Book | Adult | Published in 1971

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Chapters 17-20Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 17 Summary & Analysis: “Industrial Supremacy”

At the end of the 19th century, the US was undergoing its biggest surge of industrial growth yet. In many ways, the Industrial Revolution paralleled other such times of technological advancement; a select few became extremely wealthy, while many endured difficult labor conditions. This revolution, though, was on a completely different scale and foreshadowed the capitalist corporate culture that came to dominate the American economic landscape.

The Industrial Revolution primarily fueled work needed for the burgeoning transportation and manufacturing industries. As railroads expanded, American inventors developed automobiles and airplanes, and large-scale factories began to churn out domestic goods for which the demand was greatest, such as steel, coal, and petroleum. A few powerful industrialists like Andrew Carnegie and John D. Rockefeller came to virtually (sometimes literally) monopolize these industries and gathered unprecedented levels of wealth. They formed large corporations, a necessity to manage their vast industrial holdings. This “Gilded Age“ was marked by the rise of conspicuous consumption. Wealthy people throughout American history had lived in grand houses and bought luxury goods, but their luxury lifestyles often played out in rural seclusion, as in the original tidewater planter class in Virginia and the later plantations of the pre-Civil War South. Gilded Age industry was primarily concentrated in cities, and industry leaders showed off their wealth to the masses through their own possessions and by funding grand public architectural projects. New, more elaborate luxury goods like motorcars facilitated this practice. The uniquely American myth of the “self-made man” justified conspicuous consumption. As they had since the beginning of colonization (with a few exceptions like the Old South), wealthy Americans looked to set themselves apart from the generational aristocracies in Europe. Consumption and capitalism were seen as proof that anyone could make it in America. Some of the late 19th-century industry leaders indeed came from humble backgrounds but like in every period in history, most had inherent privileges that allowed them built-in advantages over other people. Every major Gilded Age industrialist was a white man, for example.

Although the rags-to-riches story inspired hope in many Americans, there were many detractors and those who worked for reform. As in other periods of industrial acceleration, most factory workers and other laborers were members of groups with little political power—primarily women, children, and immigrants. They earned low wages and experienced unfair working conditions. Uncontrolled monopolization drove up prices and threatened possible competition. The late 1800s saw the first major attempts at labor organization in the country. Several national unions were formed, especially in the steel and railroad industries. Although these unions fueled several important worker strikes and the rise of famous union leaders like Eugene V. Debs, they ultimately had little success. By the end of the century, working-class wages remained low, while the cost of living rose—and the wealthy only became richer. Large corporations established themselves as the most important force in the American economy, a trend that has faced little successful resistance even into the modern day.

Chapter 18 Summary & Analysis: “The Age of the City”

The industrial boom drove a mass migration from rural areas into cities that occurred through the end of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century. This happened for various reasons, most related to the relative openness of city culture and the economic opportunities that cities presented. Large farms had been replacing small-scale agriculture for decades, and the agrarian life most common during the 17th-19th centuries was becoming both less sustainable and less desirable to many.

The first people to move into cities en masse were members of populations who did not fit in with the still-dominant white patriarchal society in small towns. This included a huge percentage of Black Americans who, after Reconstruction failed, found that although work opportunities for them were still limited in cities in both the South and the North, city life offered them the opportunity to build communities on their own terms. Young women, too, left rural areas for the city, partly due to a desire for a life further outside the patriarchy, but mostly due to a decline in roles for women in rural areas. Small, self-contained family farms were being replaced by large commercial ventures, largely run by men. Heightened commercial availability of previously handmade items like meant that “women’s work“ was no longer a necessity in farm communities. Young women in the city often found themselves doing work similar to that of their forebears on the farm—making clothes, cooking food, etc. Now, however, they made the clothes as factory seamstresses and cooked food as domestic servants for wealthy families.

Immigrants made up by far the largest group of new city dwellers in this time period. The late 19th century was when the US truly became a “melting pot,” as newcomers from across the globe arrived with dreams of a better life. These immigrants often did find success, but they faced real struggles across several fronts. The first was the question of maintaining their cultural identity versus assimilating and becoming “American.” Most early immigrants lived in communities with their fellow countrymen, a strategy that allowed longer-term residents to aid new arrivals and eased the transition into a new society with new social rules and, for many, a new language. Distinct cultural communities upset many Americans who held nativist sentiments and considered immigrants’ preserving their own cultures an affront to the superior “native“ American culture. Immigrant neighborhoods, especially those composed of non-white people, were often poor, overcrowded, and dangerous. In the crowded, narrow streets, disease and crime were rampant and fires broke out often. Although these issues plagued populations across all parts of cities (as in the Great Fire of Chicago), immigrant and Black neighborhoods were particularly at risk—and particularly lacking in outside help to solve the problems.

The hardscrabble existence of many city dwellers contrasted with the Gilded Age stereotypes of the time period. New opportunities in entertainment, art, and other cultural luxuries were widely available in cities, but widening inequality meant that many cultural developments were reserved only for the middle and upper classes. Consumer goods, however, were becoming cheaper to produce and mass-market, and nearly everyone in the country became a target market for goods. White women, often economically stable due to the rising incomes of their husbands, were a particularly valuable base for marketing. Clothing styles began to change rapidly, meaning that women had to spend more to be fashionable. Although a capitalist drive for money fueled women’s importance in the consumer landscape, it eventually helped them gain more societal influence.

Chapter 19 Summary & Analysis: “From Crisis to Empire”

As discussed in the previous chapters, the late 19th and early 20th centuries saw upheaval in almost every aspect of American life and culture. The West was filling up, cities were expanding, and the rural farming lifestyle that had dominated the previous eras was no longer the norm. Politics was no different. This period saw multiple important events that shaped the US both domestically and abroad and propelled it toward becoming a major world power.

The late 1800s did not have the same style of divisive party politics as almost every other period of American history. Democrats and Republicans, the ancestors of the principal modern parties, dominated national politics, but their politics had little discernible difference. The federal government did little to influence society in meaningful ways and mostly concentrated on clerical tasks like delivering mail and collecting taxes. In addition, it managed the growing military, but because a period of relative peace followed the Civil War, building this military was not yet a priority. Social and economic problems that plagued many Americans were not a priority for any late-1800s president either—even though the US experienced its worst economic depression to date in 1893. The growing influence of a few large corporations meant that many citizens relied on greedy monopolies for basic goods and services. In many ways, these monopolies were responsible for the weak federal government at the time, as business interests and “party bosses“ controlled almost every aspect of both parties, greatly influenced presidents, and prevented any real reform. Because of growing discontent, laws like the Sherman Antitrust Act were passed—but they did little to create real change in corporate practices.

The first large group to make a stand against the corporate control of government were farmers, who had faced economic decline for decades. They largely—and correctly—blamed many of their struggles on the monopolies, which greatly affected rural economies where competition was light even in the best of times. They formed populist alliances that treated all members, including women, as equals, and began to make headway by electing rural, populist candidates to state legislatures and other local governments. Although the alliances shone a light on the struggles of the poor and rural life—and made important steps in allowing women and Black people to share political power—the populist movement was no match for the great Gilded Age political machine and had little lasting effect. This was partly because the Democrats picked a relatively progressive candidate for the 1896 election, William Jennings Bryan. Although Bryan inspired many with his excellent speaking skills, his nomination ultimately doomed the populist movement and its new People’s Party. Bryan was beaten by Republican William McKinley, who set his sights not on reforming American economic culture but on revisiting the idea of Manifest Destiny, this time abroad. Under McKinley and his followers, America became a true empire.

The idea of social Darwinism had been popular among US intellectuals for decades. This racist belief skewed Charles Darwin’s concept of survival of the fittest to apply to races and nations of humans. In the minds of many, the rapid expansion of the US had proved that it was one of—if not the single—fittest, and this mindset portrayed it as inevitable that the country would conquer new lands. The conquest of the Indigenous Americans was considered proof of this, and the American victory in the Spanish-American war further fueled imperialist sentiment. Under the guise of freeing Cuba from Spanish control, the US claimed several old Spanish colonies, including Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. Conquests of Hawaii and Samoa happened around the same time. These strategic island holdings were important for the imperialist vision of a worldwide American empire protected by a powerful navy. The Philippines eventually gained independence after a long struggle, but the other areas taken into American control during this time period are still official US territories.

Chapter 20 Summary & Analysis: “The Progressives”

American History presents the progressive movement of the early 20th century as a complex response—both political and social—to the excesses and corporate dominance of the Gilded Age. Populists aimed to restore true democracy to the US and were concerned primarily with reforms benefitting middle-class and poor people. The reality, however, was that many progressives were wealthy, influential people whose motivation was the hope to gain back some of the power they lost to the corporate bosses of the late 1800s. To label all reform-minded people from this time as purely progressive is therefore to some extent a misrepresentation. Although all who fell under this umbrella believed in progress and change, their motives for change took on wildly different forms.

In many ways, women were the most important vanguards of the progressive movement. Although women’s liberation—and the reform of gendered social institutions—had been sprouting on a small scale for decades, the early 20th century was the first time that American women as a whole succeeded in achieving major advancements for themselves. Women began to enter higher education at formerly all-male institutions as well as women-only colleges. The suffrage movement made significant strides, and although President Woodrow Wilson eventually blocked universal suffrage for women, more states chose to grant women voting rights. In addition, women benefited from the rise in professional certification for certain forms of employment. Although most continued in traditional women’s professions like teaching and nursing, many successfully entered male-dominated career spaces, becoming engineers, doctors, and other positions in respected professions. Advancements in women’s education allowed more freedom—even for those who did not become educated. Divorce became more common and more socially accepted, so women could leave bad marriages without the serious social consequences of previous years. The early 20th century also saw a rise in female-only social clubs, where women met in private, discussed the pressing issues of the day, and organized reform efforts. Women were largely responsible for the resurgence of the temperance movement, which in 1919 spurred the government to pass the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting the sale of alcohol in the US. Supporters of prohibition held that male drunkenness was a major factor in women’s oppression.

Although many progressives were middle- and upper-class people who wanted change to come gradually and without true revolution, most hoped for reform to the corporate dominance of American society. During the years 1900-1914, people began to question and resist capitalism more than they ever had. This was especially true after the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire—in which almost 150 people burned to death in a crowded factory—revealed the realities of industrial capitalism. When this fire occurred, the doors had been locked to prevent workers from slacking, and employees were unable to escape. The disaster coincided with the rise in socialism, which gained many followers during the early 20th century, especially in immigrant communities. Black people, especially well-educated Northerners like W. E. B. DuBois, also made up a large portion of the most serious progressives.

Despite the rise of socialism and other radical beliefs, progressive candidates who actually gained seats in the federal government were fairly centrist in their beliefs, like Theodore Roosevelt, who became president in 1902. Roosevelt was far from a socialist; in a 1903 miners’ strike, he threatened military intervention if the miners would not accept the federal government’s compromise between their union and the mine owners. He made small attempts to pass reforms like restrictions on working hours, but was too worried about backlash from conservatives to push any social reform too strongly. Roosevelt was, however, very progressive about conservation. He expanded the National Park system and restricted development on millions of acres of government-owned land in the West. In addition, he founded the Bureau of Reclamation, which built reservoirs and irrigation systems across the West to support the still-lagging agrarian economy. Although Roosevelt, a big game hunter, considered wild places a source of economic progress and thus is not considered a conservationist by most modern standards, he was responsible for many of the systems that protected vast tracts of land from unbridled commercial development.

Roosevelt’s second term and the presidency of Woodrow Wilson saw an expansion of the federal government’s response to the various calls for reform that had been brewing for a decade. Modern regulatory bodies like the Federal Trade Commission and the Federal Reserve, both established by Wilson, helped regulate out-of-control corporations. Many progressives saw these reforms as a victory at last, but their glory was soon overshadowed by the looming threat of war across much of the world. World War I began in 1914, and the US, now a major world power, had no choice but to get involved.

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