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61 pages 2 hours read

Elizabeth Hinton

America on Fire: The Untold History of Police Violence and Black Rebellion Since the 1960s

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2021

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Key Figures

Elizabeth Hinton (The Author)

Elizabeth Hinton was born in 1983, in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Hinton earned her PhD in United States history from Columbia University in 2013. She is currently a professor at Yale University who specializes in African American studies, history and law. Prior to her time at Yale, she taught at Harvard University and spent two years as a postdoctoral scholar at the University of Michigan, in both cases focusing her work on African American studies.

Her writings primarily focus on issues of poverty, racial inequality, police reform, and incarceration. She has published multiple op-eds and articles in a variety of periodicals, such as The American Historical Review, The Journal of Urban History, and The New York Times, among many others. Her first award-winning book, From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime (2016), explores the history of federal policies, such as those of the Johnson Administration, which led to an increase in policing in impoverished communities and expanded America’s prison system.

In addition to her historical research, Hinton has also been a vocal advocate for justice system reform and funding for social programs to address ongoing issues of systemic racism and poverty. Hinton has called for a reevaluation of 1960s-era policies regarding Black rebellions: Although America on Fire presents a factual and well-researched look at the history of Black rebellion in the US, Hinton is clear about her views, and uses her research to make a case for sweeping reforms to address the root issues that drive violent protest, particularly poverty and police brutality.

Charles Koen

Although America on Fire mentions a vast number of influential Black leaders, one of the most notable figures in the book is Charles Koen, a reverend who was active in the fight for civil rights since the early 1960s, when he was only 16. While a resident of Cairo, Illinois, the teenage Koen worked with his local NAACP and SNCC chapter to organize the Cairo Nonviolent Freedom Committee.

Koen and 75 other Black students participated in sit-ins and nonviolent marches, and like many civil rights protesters, they were met with violence from white law enforcement. Koen’s organization also fought to desegregate several of Cairo’s public areas, such as the swimming pool and roller rink, through lawsuits. Although the Black residents won their lawsuits, the white residents of Cairo refused to comply with the desegregation orders. Koen and other students were violently driven out of the roller rink, and the swimming pool was closed down and filled with concrete.

In his early twenties, Koen and other civil rights activists urged the mayor of Cairo to address the systemic issues of poverty and police brutality that had caused Black residents to rebel, warning that if the problems were not addressed, “Cairo will look like Rome burning down” (51). Koen’s words were dismissed by the city authorities, who saw him as an “extortionist” (51). Two years later, Cairo exploded into violence just as Koen had predicted.

As Koen got older, he turned away from the nonviolent approach to civil rights and embraced “the politics of armed self-defense and community control” (13). Koen believed that nonviolence, while morally commendable, had been a mistake, because the protesters had no way to practically defend themselves. Koen and other Black leaders in Cairo established the United Front, an organization designed to help fight against the white supremacist system and support members of the Black community. With Koen as its leader, the United Front of Cairo organized boycotts of white-owned businesses and created programs to teach Black residents how to defend themselves. In spite of the many obstacles he faced, Koen was hopeful for change and found positive inspiration even in the dire circumstances he and his community faced.

The United Front of Cairo based its philosophy on radical Christianity and the politics of the Black Power movement. It provided community support through food, clothing, medical care, free legal services, a daycare and a grocery store, all based on collective ownership, as “part of a broader movement to ‘replace the white value system’—capitalism—with a system based on cooperation and community” (89-90). While many white people viewed Koen and others like him as an existential threat to America, in reality Koen’s organization was stepping up to address the systemic problems that government officials refused to do anything about. In the end, Cairo went into economic decline—not because of the work of Koen’s United Front, but because of the white residents’ refusal to give up their sense of superiority over their Black neighbors.

Claiborne T. Callahan

Officer Claiborne T. Callahan of Alexandria, Virginia, appears in America on Fire as the quintessential “bad apple” police officer. Callahan joined the Alexandria police force at age 24, and the incident that earned him his place in Hinton’s book happened nine years later, when he was 33. Although Callahan is something of a “villain,” Hinton humanizes him by mentioning details of his life: He worked as a Hollywood stunt double in his early thirties, he taught flying lessons. Neither Callahan nor his chief of police, Russell Hawes, viewed him as a bad or racist cop, only as someone who got “a little rough sometimes” (122) in the process of doing his job. Callahan claimed not to treat Black suspects any differently than white suspects, insisting, “I’ve had more trouble with white people than black people” (130).

In spite of this, Callahan had had multiple prior incidents with the Black residents of Alexandria, and was viewed as a “bad apple” by most. One Black mother admitted she was reluctant to let her children play outside when he was around, because “the minute he gets mad with one of them he thinks he can step in and beat the child” (127). When Black teenagers confronted Callahan about his terminology, Callahan said he didn’t understand why “colored people got so upset when someone called them colored” (123), and refused to listen when the teenagers attempted to explain that it was a matter of respect. Ironically, being addressed in a disrespectful way is exactly what would cause Callahan to eventually overreact and try to arrest a Black teenager.

The incident that caused rebellion in Alexandria began with Callahan breaking up a football game out in the streets around 10:30 pm. Although this event in itself did not elicit any violence, it still shows Callahan interfering in an innocent game that, had the players been white, he might not have interrupted. This recalls Hinton’s statement in Chapter 1 that rebellions were often sparked when “law enforcement meddled […] in ordinary, everyday activity […] and failed to extend to residents the common courtesies afforded to whites” (20), such as not addressing them with terms they found disrespectful. Even this behavior, Hinton suggests, marks Callahan as a “bad apple.”

After the football game had dispersed, Callahan went to a McDonald’s parking lot, and heard a passing teenager cursing. Thinking the teenager had cursed at him, Callahan decided to place the boy under arrest. When the teenager ran, Callahan chased him down and arrested him, prompting bystanders to attack by allegedly “throwing bottles and bricks” (126). Fourteen-year-old Keith Strickland, one of the bystanders, was severely beaten by Callahan, who later claimed that Strickland had hit him with a two-by-four. Strickland’s mother and another man were also injured in the process of trying to stop the violence.

Afterward, the public demanded that both Callahan and Chief Hawes resign, and when it became clear that Callahan would face no consequences for assaulting children, violence broke out around Alexandria. However, while the Black residents rebelled in outrage, several white residents—mostly business owners and members of law enforcement—praised Callahan as a hero and argued that his actions had been completely justified. Hinton’s account suggests that Callahan’s actions, if not consciously motivated by racism, were still motivated by a desire to keep Black people “in their place.” He chose to place a teenager under arrest merely because he thought the boy had cursed at him, a very mild show of disrespect that should not have warranted such an extreme reaction. The violence that followed in Alexandria was an inevitable result of Callahan’s unnecessary use of force against a child, exemplifying the kinds of contentious police encounters that would spark cycles of violence all throughout America.

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